The market forces within political parties

bordsilver

Well-Known Member
Silver Stacker
There exist, among people of any new political ideology, who support the existence of their "Ideology" Party, two quite different views as to its
purpose. According to one, the party exists to gain political power by winning elections; it differs from other parties
only in wishing to use that power to implement its particular ideology about the role of government. This seems to be the dominant view at
party conventions, at least the ones I have attended. While I have not yet heard a presidential nominee
predict victory, several have given the impression that it is only a few elections away.

One difficulty with this strategy is that it may be inconsistent with the internal dynamic of political parties. Before
asking whether a new party can win elections, one should first ask why the "Ideology" Party represents the ideology and
under what circumstances it will continue to represents the ideology.

A party is not a person. It does not have beliefs; it cannot be persuaded by philosophical arguments. To say that a party
holds certain views is an abbreviated way of describing the outcome of the internal political processes of that party
the processes that determine what positions are published as the party's platform and, often more important, what
positions are pushed by the party's candidates and acted upon if they gain office.

An ideological person should reject the idea that a party that happens to be named after their ideology will automatically continue to
advance the same ideological positions. To understand what either a government or a political party will do we ought to start by
assuming that the individuals within the organization rationally pursue their own ends (selfish or otherwise) and then
try to predict from that assumption how the organization will act.

A political party, in order to campaign or even to exist, requires resources. It gets them in two different ways. It
receives donations of money and labour from people who want it to succeed because they support its ideology; when a
party first starts, that may be all it has. But once it becomes large enough to win, or at least affect, elections, a party
also acquires political assets with a substantial market value. The political game is played for control over the
collection and expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars a year. Even a relatively weak player in that gamea
party, let us say, that gets five or ten percent of the votes in a national election and holds a few seats in Congresshas
favours to dispense worth quite a lot of money.

A political party is driven by two objectives. It wishes to proclaim positions and take actions that appeal to its
ideological supporters. But it also wishes to attract as many votes as possible, in order to maximize its political assets,
and having attracted these votes it wishes to act in such a way as to maximise its (long-run) income. On some issues
these objectives may prove to be consistent. On others they will not.

When I say that a party "wishes" something, I am again employing a convenient abbreviation. Consider a small
ideological party. Initially, all it has to offer to potential workers, officers, or candidates
is the opportunity to achieve their ideological objectives. As long as that is true, its members, officers, and candidates
continue to be people whose main objective is ideological, and the party continues to 'believe in' this ideology.
Suppose the party begins to win elections. It occurs to some people that positions of power within the party may, in the
long run, be worth quite a lot of money. Some of the people to whom this occurs may be nonideologicaland willing
to proclaim any ideology they find convenient. Others may be vaguely of the same ideology, but with a greater commitment to
their short-run private objectives than to their long-run public ones. What these people have in common is their
willingness to make a profession of gaining power within the party. In the long run, in the struggle for power,
professionals will beat amateurs. It is as certain as anything can be in politics that once a party achieves substantial
political power it will eventually swing towards a policy in which ideology is a meansperhaps an important means
but not an end. It will become a vote- and income-maximising party, taking positions dictated by its ideology when
that seems the best way of getting votesor the volunteer labour and money it requires in order to get votesand
taking actions inconsistent with its ideology when such actions yield the party a net profit, in votes or dollars.

NB: This is essentially David Friedman's "Anarchist Politics: Concerning the Libertarian Party" but tweaked slightly to make it generic.
 
Alot small towns here sell really everything (sometimes plain ridiculous things) in order to not have to increase their tax now. Because elections are too close. Says it all about those policitians eh?
 
Tangentially related, looking at a different segment of the state - "the intellectuals", by Murray Rothbard.

Murray Rothbard - The Anatomy of the State said:
How the State Preserves Itself

Once a State has been established, the problem of the ruling group or "caste" is how to maintain their rule. While force is their modus operandi, their basic and long-run problem is ideological. For in order to continue in office, any government (not simply a "democratic" government) must have the support of the majority of its subjects. This support, it must be noted, need not be active enthusiasm; it may well be passive resignation as if to an inevitable law of nature. But support in the sense of acceptance of some sort it must be; else the minority of State rulers would eventually be outweighed by the active resistance of the majority of the public. Since predation must be supported out of the surplus of production, it is necessarily true that the class constituting the Statethe full-time bureaucracy (and nobility)must be a rather small minority in the land, although it may, of course, purchase allies among important groups in the population. Therefore, the chief task of the rulers is always to secure the active or resigned acceptance of the majority of the citizens.

Of course, one method of securing support is through the creation of vested economic interests. Therefore, the King alone cannot rule; he must have a sizable group of followers who enjoy the prerequisites of rule, for example, the members of the State apparatus, such as the full-time bureaucracy or the established nobility. But this still secures only a minority of eager supporters, and even the essential purchasing of support by subsidies and other grants of privilege still does not obtain the consent of the majority. For this essential acceptance, the majority must be persuaded by ideology that their government is good, wise and, at least, inevitable, and certainly better than other conceivable alternatives. Promoting this ideology among the people is the vital social task of the "intellectuals." For the masses of men do not create their own ideas, or indeed think through these ideas independently; they follow passively the ideas adopted and disseminated by the body of intellectuals. The intellectuals are, therefore, the "opinionmolders" in society. And since it is precisely a molding of opinion that the State most desperately needs, the basis for age-old alliance between the State and the intellectuals becomes clear.

It is evident that the State needs the intellectuals; it is not so evident why intellectuals need the State. Put simply, we may state that the intellectual's livelihood in the free market is never too secure; for the intellectual must depend on the values and choices of the masses of his fellow men, and it is precisely characteristic of the masses that they are generally uninterested in intellectual matters. The State, on the other hand, is willing to offer the intellectuals a secure and permanent berth in the State apparatus; and thus a secure income and the panoply of prestige. For the intellectuals will be handsomely rewarded for the important function they perform for the State rulers, of which group they now become a part.

The alliance between the State and the intellectuals was symbolized in the eager desire of professors at the University of Berlin in the nineteenth century to form the "intellectual bodyguard of the House of Hohenzollern." In the present day, let us note the revealing comment of an eminent Marxist scholar concerning Professor Wittfogel's critical study of ancient Oriental despotism: "The civilization which Professor Wittfogel is so bitterly attacking was one which could make poets and scholars into officials." Of innumerable examples, we may cite the recent development of the "science" of strategy, in the service of the government's main violence-wielding arm, the military. A venerable institution, furthermore, is the official or "court" historian, dedicated to purveying the rulers' views of their own and their predecessors' actions.

Many and varied have been the arguments by which the State and its intellectuals have induced their subjects to support their rule. Basically, the strands of argument may be summed up as follows:
(a) the State rulers are great and wise men (they "rule by divine right," they are the "aristocracy" of men, they are the "scientific experts"), much greater and wiser than the good but rather simple subjects,
and
(b) rule by the extent government is inevitable, absolutely necessary, and far better, than the indescribable evils that would ensue upon its downfall.

The union of Church and State was one of the oldest and most successful of these ideological devices. The ruler was either anointed by God or, in the case of the absolute rule of many Oriental despotisms, was himself God; hence, any resistance to his rule would be blasphemy. The States' priestcraft performed the basic intellectual function of obtaining popular support and even worship for the rulers.
 
Entitleists

The Age of Entitlement

My dear friend, business partner, and now neighbor here at La Estancia, Doug Casey, regularly stresses the importance of starting any discussion by defining the important terms. As we'll be discussing the matter of entitlement today, let's kick things off with the definition from Merriam-Webster:

Entitlement

The condition of having a right to have, do, or get something

The feeling or belief that you deserve to be given something (such as special privileges)

A type of financial help provided by the government for members of a particular group

In its morally correct form, a person is perfectly justified in feeling entitled when they have a clear contract providing them a specific right.

For example, if you as an employee have a contract with your employer that specifies the terms of your employment and you don't break the terms of that contract, you are legally and morally entitled to receiving the benefits therein specified.

Of course, things are not always quite so black and white. For instance, those of you dear readers living in the US who have spent a lifetime paying into the Social Security system may be justified in feeling entitled, upon attaining the requisite age, to the promised income stream. Yet, given that everyone has ready access to a large number of analyses exposing the viability of Social Security as poor fiction, should you really feel entitled? Or just hopelessly gullible?

But I drift. Yanking the tiller back toward the general compass point I am tacking toward, I would like to start by briefly touching upon some of the classes of people that believe themselves entitled.

And not just entitled to a single payday or a specific benefit, but rather, they appear to feel permanently entitled.

snip

And a summary, his list:

The Warped Wealthy. Politicians. Yuppies. Old People. The Poor. "Special" Groups. (Minorities. Sexual Orientation. Soldiers.) Pretty Much Everyone Else.

Read the article here: http://www.caseyresearch.com/cdd/the-age-of-entitlement

These are the "politically untouchable", the interest groups that serve their own purpose and with whom a plethora of political parties curry favour in order to get in and maintain control.
 
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|
 
No veges or salad with that rump either.

"Fkn rabbit food"

managed to wean him off well done at least, now it's med/well. :rolleyes:
 
mmm....shiney! said:
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|

Serious or are you 'avin a laugh'? I hope its the latter.
 
TheEnd said:
mmm....shiney! said:
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|

Serious or are you 'avin a laugh'? I hope its the latter.

Ironic really. My taxes pay his welfare payment. He takes his welfare payment and gives probably a third back to us, we then give 10% of that back to the government, keep some and give the government some of that as income tax etc. The government then takes that money and sends it back to him and the whole cycle repeats itself.

And................he's on a store fkn credit!!!!!!!!!!!!!! :lol: :lol: :lol:

It's the end of the week, last shift :rolleyes:
 
mmm....shiney! said:
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|
You're way too cheap. :p
 
doomsday surprise said:
mmm....shiney! said:
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|
You're way too cheap. :p

No, it's our customers that are cheap. :lol:
 
mmm....shiney! said:
doomsday surprise said:
mmm....shiney! said:
Poor bugger across the street on some form of welfare, early 30's. Can only afford to eat out 5 times a week (well, to be truthful we're only open 5 days a week). Today it was the rump for $22, yesterday the fettuccine with pesto chicken for $17, Friday it was only a BLT with a can of coke. Fettuccine carbonara for $17 on Thurs. Poor censored.

Probably lives below the poverty line.

Fkn disgraceful.

Forced to use his welfare payments to dine out. :|
You're way too cheap. :p

No, it's our customers that are cheap. :lol:
How much for a minimum chips? :p
 
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